Escapable Logic
Design Study for a New MicroEconomy

 



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  Monday, June 27, 2005


Who are these People and Why do They Rule Us?

American politics is as blind to American values as Buick's design department. So how is it that politicians and their hacks control our lives?

I've been ranting lately that the central dysfunction in American Politics isn't the lack of qualified candidates, but in the petty agendas of the local party hacks who control the vital supply chains that bind us: the Candidate Distribution System ("CDS") and the Vote Distribution System ("VDS"). I've stipulated that All Politics is Yokels and there's no way that regular mainstream Americans (people-with-a-life) are going to get involved in local politics, so we need a back channel to find and promote the candidates whom We The People deserve.

The only back channel available is via the Internet, so we're stuck with technical solutions to political infrastructure limitations. Our technical focus alienates us from political pragmatists–we're saying that only a pure-play, "Nothin' but 'Net" solution can redeem American politics – something as technically innovative and as populist as low cost printing presses were for the 13 Colonies.

Joe Trippi and Matt Stoller and, certainly, Ken Mehlman think we're nuckin' futs. If we don't play the traditional game, we're kidding ourselves. Though I consider myself a friend of Joe and Matt, I'm saying that the real action is on the road we started down, under Joe's tutelage, in January, 2003; that we shouldn't abandon the code base just because version 0.07b didn't capture 51% market share on its first outing. As they used to say, "In for a dime, in for a dollar": If there's a there here, we owe it to ourselves and our grandchildren to persevere until we at least produce code that conforms to the spec we had in mind at the start.

But it's even worse than we thought. Not only do we have to re-imagine politics, we have to reinvent governance. We need to re-form how we govern ourselves because, no matter how cool our Politics 2.0 is, we'll still be stuck with the People in Power Problem.

Like it or not, the secret of aligning politics with the sensibilities of "real" working-class America is to string up the politicians. We don't need to hang them until dead, we just need to realize that politicians are, essentially, marionettes, and once we learn how to pull their strings better than the lobbyists, their little money game is over. (FWIW, if you're not aligned with the instincts and constraints of "working class" Americans – i.e., you're clinging to an aristocratic dream that the best-intentioned, smartest, most highly educated (or richest) dudes really should be running things – just go home and hang up your spikes. What is your Tory?)

We'll own the politicians as soon as we realize what they know so well:
We've got them outnumbered.

Yep. At some deep subconscious level, most politicians "get" the threat posed by a connected electorate far better than We The Users seem to: This whole 20th Century Centralized Authority House of Cards comes crashing down as soon as we click our heels and expose the fake Wizards behind the curtain. Of course they don't deal with it consciously, but they're in the same position as the music industry was the week before Napster was released, still high on the money and the power and the groupies and the intoxicants.

The Network
has the power to make American Politicians as irrelevant as the British Monarchy. This is where the pragmatists roll their eyes and congratulate themselves on their blessed freedom from the naiveté of the techno-idealists who dream we might "fix" politics in one or a few election cycles.

Hang 'Em High!

So how do we connect the dots strings? Simple, really. First we recognize how fragile the current system is, vulnerable to just a few new votes that can swing most races. Then we take advantage of the improbably strong urge of the average person to read, write and comment on whatever content floats to the top of mind. And then we parse our opinions into explicit policy and publish our commitment to vote our conclusions so that our will is obvious to all. This is a far more explicit process than retail politics as presently practiced: legions of amateurs canvassing strangers listed on the "Voter File" of people who voted last time, all with hardly any effect.

Our collective urge to speak out contradicts the collective illusion of retail politics: that you need to spend big bucks to energize voters enough to get them to the polls. Hell, scratch that. New voters don't go to the polls, so you only spend the money to reach the ones who voted last time. All politics (and its hell spawn, gerrymandering) is based on this cynical 20th century conceit: zealots attracting zealots, on TV and through the local political apparatus, in a raucous cacophony of nonreason. No online networking, no peer-to-peer dynamics, no smart mobs or means for regular people to connect directly with each other and serve up the bits that we all want to listen to: the harmony of our core values. We no longer need some slick dude with an advance team to tell us who we are and what we think. 

We need a Napster for facing the political music, and I'll say it again: we can do for retail politics what Amazon and UPS have done for retail.

It sounds like a silver bullet and it will be, as soon as we learn how to build and deploy it.

Silver Bullet Proof

The big time professionals who surround politicians are silver bullet proof. They're as big a part of the problem as the Lilliputians  controlling local politics. Collectively, they just know that the only way to win elections is money, media, local power brokers and all the conventional wisdom of retail politics as it's existed for the last few generations. In other words, our father's Oldsmobile.

Even if they knew how to deploy a silver bullet to transform politics, how could the professionals embrace it? It discounts their mysterious sway over the process, as inscrutable and unassailable as witch doctors.

ORGware's Vote Delivery System ("VDS")

I suggested last time that our new little company, Open Resource Group, LLC, has a way to deliver voters to the polls as systematically, though not as reliably, as UPS puts an Amazon order in your hands. The steps are similar, though necessarily more convoluted. We're developing a web services framework, working title "ORGware". Some of the techniques are based on the Korean model, where millions of young Koreans texted one of their own into office. But, since our great country is nowhere near as connected or spontaneous as Korean yuppies, we need to help the smart mobbing along with a structured model.

ORGware's VDS attempts to shine a coherent light source on politics. Coherent light is what a laser produces, and the metaphor is apt. Ordinary, incoherent light bubbles randomly off a hot object and bounces around until it illuminates something adequately. Not enough light? Turn up the heat. But collectively, we're moderates – seekers of light, not heat. Armed with the promising flash tube called the Internet, we expect more from our democracy.

You may recall from your high school physics class that a laser is a mirrored tube full of random molecules stimulated to produce random light that's trapped except for a half-silvered mirror at one end. None of the light can escape, except for the light striking the half-silvered mirror at just the right angle (literally, a right angle). All of the escaping light marches out the end of the laser in perfect step, lined up and ready to do something bright. That's precisely the ORGware Vote Delivery System architecture: excite individuals into producing thought that bounces around a community until it forms a consensus around an issue or candidate. Formulate those thoughts into specific, coherent policy. Then provide a single avenue of action: to vote for the cause or the person that inspired the group to start with. And finally, make the determination to vote visible for all to see.

In order to understand how to deliver the needed number of votes to the right polling places at the right schedule on election day, we need to work back from the desired result. This is like an airline crew which spends its entire trip with a single purpose: arriving at the right end of a commodious strip of concrete, at the right airspeed, height, weight and heading, with the wheels, flaps and fuel exactly where they belong. Success in either venture is not won by some romantic notion of self-righteous kumbaya, but by formal processes and the aggregation of personal commitments that are so meaningful to the participants that they cannot imagine not delivering their votes as agreed.

Delivering the Votes

The following is a reverse chronology of an issues campaign that proceeds according to the VDS vision - starting with the result and showing how it gets there. This vision borrows nothing from retail politics, because the entire existing mechanism is too cumbersome. There's no pandering to the local party, because there be dragons there – it's a waste of time. There's no reliance on the golden goose of retail politics – the "Voter File" – because the Secretary of State's data is obsolete, uncleansed, expensive and worthless compared to what we already know about each other. Besides, talking to strangers about their vote is as obsolete as opening the door to the Fuller Brush man.

VDS Reverse Chronology How the web can reliably deliver a vote to a polling place
11/7/06; 11:15 am
(Election Day)
  John Doe and his roommate and 4 of their friends drop by John's favorite coffee shop after voting for a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi. They join 14 other supporters of the amendment at an "event" mediated by ourcitydoneright.org. They have supported this initiative and have urged their friends to support it for 8 months. Contrary to conventional thinking, every action John has taken, online and in the streets, has energized him, rather than wear him down.
11/7/06; 10:55 am
(Election Day)
  John Doe and his roommate and 4 of their friends leave PS 123 after voting for a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi. 
11/7/06; 10:03 am
(Election Day)
  John Doe and his roommate meet 4 of their friends at PS 123 to vote for a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi.
11/7/06;   9:48 am
(Election Day)
  John Doe and his roommate leave home for PS 123 to vote for a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi. This is interesting. John is 26 years old, and he and his roommate are not expected to vote today, according to any of the professionals who consult to politicians.
11/7/06;   9:15 am
(Election Day)
  John confirms his appointment to meet 4 of his friends at PS 123 to vote for a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi; and to get coffee afterward.
11/7/06;   9:02 am
(Election Day)
  John clicks a link in an email from Scroggins & Smith, LLC, a public accounting firm, ratifying his personal calendar item and appointment to vote for a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi, at PS 123 at 10 am today. He is redirected to a page that informs him that the firm's continuing audit of ratified votes has climbed to 235,762. The amendment's committed votes include 47% of eligible voters.
11/6/06;   9:35 pm   John posts a comment on his personal blog at ourcitydoneright.org re the importance of a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi. His blog post is item number 172,853 since the charter amendment's viral campaign launched 11 months ago.
10/31/06;   6:27 pm   John meets with about 148 other supporters of the WiFi amendment plus 62 interested voters, at Parnell's Pub, using the Meetup API, but with the arrangements mediated in parallel at ourcitydoneright.org. Supporters of the WiFi amendment are thinking way too big to balk at Meetup's nominal charge for use of their API.
10/31/06;   9:14 pm
(a week to go)
  John clicks a link in an email from Scroggins & Smith, LLC, a public accounting firm, ratifying his personal calendar item and appointment to vote for the City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi, at PS 123 at 10 am on 11/8/06. He is redirected to a page that informs him that the firm's continuing audit of ratified votes has climbed to 201,181. The amendment's committed votes include 41% of eligible voters.
  John has been ratifying his support of the amendment every week since he got on board with it last spring. John does not regard the auditor's email and his response as a nuisance, but sees it as a welcome ritual: every time he ratifies his intent, joining the swelling chorus of highly visible, empowered voters, other voters get on board and he feels energized by the civic crescendo he feels a part of, and in some way, a leader. John never thought he'd be a civic leader.
8/1/06 - 10/1/06   John becomes an observer and commentator on a civic forum which generates a detailed, specific plan that spells out the economics and political realities of a City Charter amendment promoting city-wide municipal WiFi. The final recommedation is generated by 17 individuals who have been contributing for 9 months to a broad and general discussion about the wireless plan.
  John doesn't mind that he's not one of the 17 primary developers because he trusts their judgment and he can see how they respond to the comments on their public work. Besides, they're spending a lot of time on this.
5/1/06 - 8/1/06   John participates in a civic forum considering whether his city should install free municipal wireless Internet. In this forum, every entry, by thousands of citizens, is rated by anyone with an opinion. At the end of the period, no participant has been rated, but their contributions have been. It's chaotic: People try to game the system, but finally the authentic voice of the participants rises above the noisy corporate-funded "content", and the thought leaders emerge. The primary differentiator is their clarity of thinking and the authenticity of their tone. By the end of July, the 17 best contributors have been designated.
  John is an enthusiast who sees the initiative as a 21st century version of the Eisenhower Interstate Highway Trust Fund. In the process, he educates himself on the economics of wireless Internet and the business opportunities it offers to otherwise ordinary citizens. He's also seen the amazing cynicism of the phone and cable companies who have fought the measure, and the politicians in their pocket.
  John has learned to moderate his formerly extremist views about government and discovered that the power of this initiative is not in its tax-supported underwriting of free Internet for the clueless masses, but rather that more business activity is A Good Thing: that an explosion of microbusinesses is better than fewer and fewer companies growing larger and larger.
4/1/06 - 5/1/06   John Doe is invited to join an online discussion about citywide municipally-funded WiFi at ourcitydoneright.org. The invitation comes from his good friend, Fred Brown, who says that John really needs to get involved in this discussion, so Fred has pre-positioned John's registration data for him. John enters his preferred password and he's into the dialogue in seconds, and finds that he appreciates Fred's help. John will ultimately use the same entry tool (straight out of his Outlook address book) to engage 17 of his friends who then engage 147 of their friends and, ultimately, 29,738 people, directly attributable to John's rolodex. John knows that many of them would have ultimately become members of the dialogue, but he believes the experts who note that every keystroke avoided by a prospective member increases the odds of registration by 3%.
  John is pleased that ourcitydoneright.org keeps track of all the people his efforts have generated. But he's excited that ourcitydoneright.org has a formal process to derive specific initiatives from a general conversation and to expose the participants' political will as an audited pool of votes determined to get their way. Democracy has never felt so immediate to him.

9:41:25 AM    comment []


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